Black Codes and Broken Windows Rhetoric analysis
The author of this article tries to explain the ongoing crime incidents in America. The killings and mayhem that has ravaged the inner cities of America. He claims that gangs from the neighborhood are holding hostages to an alarming number of hostages from the hood. This unfolding of events has left residents of these mentioned communities to become afraid of their lives and from appearing in public places. Many state and local governments have adopted measures to curb this menace in the city by designing new criminal and civil approaches to help curb the threat that is posed by the existence of criminal gangs. The author has evidence of these activities going on in the city by stating an example of the municipalities appealing to courts power to deal with the nuisance.
Judges have responded by issuing sweeping injunctions and prohibiting gang members from using gang symbols, fighting, and possession of weapons, trespassing on private property and even restraining them from socializing publicly. The author quotes Terence Boga saying that the power of a judicial order, even more, becomes a punishable offense when these gangs associate in public which subjects them to months of detention and significant fines. Due to this remedy that has been offered by the courts, streets are finding it a solution to the dangers that are posed to its residents by the presence of these gangs.
The author identifies the court as one of the solutions to the ongoing crimes. He asserts that modern anti-gang civil injunctions are a legacy of postbellum vagrancy ordinances. He argues that significant enforcement of measures that give the police authority in crime prevention is the imposition of dominance and control of those who do not desire it, but to the “innocent”. That means that the majority of groups take control of the minority groups.
The author uses a voice to mention the prominent theory of aversive racism which explains in detail the dominant forms of contemporary racism. The author argues out that differences in the openness of racist attitudes and dealings do not necessarily show out the bad effects that these vices might impose on minority communities.
The author explains that more solidly the California Supreme Court recent affirmation of anti-gang and race-neutral is a threat to the harmony of the minority tribes. The author criticizes the supreme court by stating that the injunctions that the court hands municipalities are a way of giving them the right to oppress the minority in society. He asserts that courts have been consistent in their rulings to the municipalities to encourage them in minority oppression. These rules stigmatize the minority youths who are members of the same tribes that these courts pretend to want to protect.
Some of these youths are mistakenly labeled as associates of the gangs due to the fact that they share living apartments and public spaces with street gang members. Others may be actively attached to street gang members but they don’t have any clue to the gangs’ criminal intentions. The writer continues to argue that anti-gang civil injunctions give hope of perpetuating racial stigmatization and oppression just because gang members are popularly thought to be members of the lower class racial and ethnic minorities and just because most youths love the culture of the gangs, communities honestly trying to break down the systems of racial oppression cannot afford anti-gang civil injunctions.
The author examines and criticizes James Q. Wilson and George L. Kelling’s metaphor of the “broken windows”. This is an example of a voice that the author uses in the text. This is used to refer to the people, entities, and symbols like the homeless people and the gangs which are being used as a sign to illustrate moral and societal decay. The argument argues that broad police discretion is necessary for crime prevention. Even though police discretion may lead to infringement of some human rights. The author challenges this approach by testing its ability to bond with a historical lesson that he goes ahead to mention. : the discretion of the police may result in a violation of civil liberties and the oppression of the minority communities in society.
Another voice that the author uses is the mention of a literature review to examine anti-gang injunctions for two reasons. First, the anti-gang injunction strategy is based on a larger, renewed call of quality of life improvements in the American cities. Second, the argument of the broken window provides the strongest argument for anti-gang injunctions. Thus a closer look at this literature gives a deeper discussion of such injunctions. The author argues about the harassment of black people which is strengthened by discretionary powers that were given to the police and courts due to the historical nexus between vagrancy laws and the undesirable groups.
Although the laws themselves were race-neutral, the author argues that the implementations of these laws are often targeted to the disadvantage of minority groups. The author argues that his objective is to examine the historical effects of vagrancy laws. He does not talk about constitutional arguments beyond their ability to document the historical knowledge of these effects.
The author alludes to another voice of social psychologists and police officers tend to agree that if a window in a window is broken and is left unrepaired windows will soon be broken. This is true in nice neighborhoods as in run downs. Window breaking does not necessarily occur on a large scale because some areas are inhabited by determined window breakers whereas others are populated by window lovers. ; Rather, one unrepaired broken window is a signal that no one cares about the window and so breaking of more windows costs nothing.
The author uses the voice of another author in talking about arguments critical of vagrancy ordinances. The author states the compassion of the other author should not blind us to the blemishes of disadvantaged communities. The author speaks of the author views that communities should tolerate some oppression on the civil freedoms in exchange for crime prevention. They note that arresting a drunk or a single vagrant who has harmed no identifiable person just seems unjust and the author reaffirms that in some sense it is true.
Wilson and Kelling say that the problem confronting black people communities in the US is not excessive policing and invidious punishment but it is rather a failure of the state to provide black people with the equal protection of the laws. What they are talking about is not simply an interracial dispute but an actual subject to a heavy punishment for crack possession is burdened by it, their black law-abiding neighbors are helped by it. Although black youngsters who wish to stay out in the late night are restricted by the curfew although blacks who feel m secure by the presence of the curfew are content. Although black members of violent gangs are burdened by police crackdowns on the gangs, blacks that are terrorized by the gangs are usually aided.
Kennedys critique is a selfish appreciation of the many different sectors that constitute the members of the black communities. This is a way that the author of this work uses different voices in the criticisms of the oppression of blacks.
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